Novica VELJANOVSKI
Československá diplomacie a makedonská otázka mezi dvěma světovými válkami (1919–1939) [The Czechoslovak Diplomacy and the Macedonian Question Between the Two World Wars (1919–1939)]..  /313–320/ The paper, based on documents from the archive in Prague, analyses the approaches of the Czechoslovak diplomacy towards the territory of today Macedonia in the interwar period. The author demonstrates the effort of the Prague authorities to understand the complicated Macedonian situation dividing the allied Yugoslavia with Bulgaria inescapably. The paper also covers some of the aspects of economic and cultural relations provided by the Czechoslovak consulate in Skopje.

Lukáš BABKA
K jednomu z příběhů bolševického vězeňství (Úloha Naftalije A. Frenkela v sovětském Gulagu) [One of the Stories of the Soviet Penal System (The Role of Naftalij A. Frenkel in the Soviet Gulag)]..  /321–351/ The paper tries to document the life story of Naftalij Aronowich Frenkel (1883–1960) in the context of Soviet reality and demonstrate the ties of his life with the turning points the Soviet history, i.e. with the development of the Soviet penal system and basic phases of exploiting of the forced labour in the 1920–1940s. Frenkel´s life witnesses to complexity and curiosity. Before the First World War he was a businessman and smuggler in Odessa. He made profit from the revolutionary chaos and the NEP period in his extensive, mostly half-legal commerce activity in the Black Sea area. For the first time he became a client of the Soviet penal system in 1923 when he was arrested and sentenced to ten years imprisonment in Solovki, one of the infamous Soviet concentration camps. Here he started to collaborate with the watch service, was released prematurely and became on of the commandants of the camp´s administration. However, the post of the commandant of the works on first and one of the ill-famed “great constructions of socialism” – the White Sea-Baltic Channel in 1931–1934 – gave him a lot of reputation, so in 1934 he became the chief of the project of the Baykal-Amur railway. In 1940 he had been appointed a commandant of the NKVD´s Main Administration of the Railway Construction and was forced to retire in 1947. Hence in 1940–1947 he was the chief of all railway construction works in the USSR which were built by the prisoners. Reputedly Frenkel was the author of several projects and plans how to increase the productivity of the prisoners´ labour force resulting in deterioration of the situation of prisoners and often in their death. Moreover we should mention the fact that Frenkel almost miraculously escaped death in the years of reprisals, he survived all political cleansings in the 1920 s and 1930s, survived also the Second World War and came to grips with the state power only in the post-war years. The study has avoided the answer how much the Frenkel´s fate was unique and how much it represented one of the examples illustrating the chaotic situation in the USSR where the turning points in the life could appear rooted in the inclination towards the regime and the open cooperation with it.  /353–387/

Andrej TÓTH
Otázka mírová na maďarské ministerské radě po odjezdu Apponyiho mírové delegace na pařížskou mírovou konferenci do předání definitivního znění mírové smlouvy Maďarsku (leden–květen 1920) [Peace Question at Hungarian Council of Ministers after Departure of Aponyi Peace Delegation to Paris Peace Conference until Handover of Definitive Wording of Peace Treaty to Hungary (January–May 1920)]..  /353–387/ The Hungarian delegation on the peace conference in Paris received the proposal of the peace treaty between the allied powers and Hungary on January 15, 1920. Both the delegation and the government characterised the proposal as unacceptable. This standpoint was declared not only by Áponnyi in his exposé before the Supreme Council of the peace conference from January 16 but Budapest also analysed the proposal in the eight antecedent notes written during the preparations of the Hungarian delegation for the conference and in eighteen subsequent notes with several appendixes which were delivered to the conference after the Hungarian government had received the mentioned proposal. However, the Hungarian effort to soften the condition of the proposal was unsuccessful and also the promising attempts of British and Italian diplomacy to revise territorial aspects of the proposal failed. Hungary was hoping that, at least, the secret talks with France would bring some benefits since from their view the positive French concept of Central European policy was appearing also in the covering letter to the final text of the peace treaty – so called Millerand´s lettre d´envoi. Nevertheless, the final text of the peace treaty was handed over the Hungarian delegation on May 6, 1920, differed from the January proposal very slightly. The changes made in the text of treaty concerned only practical and technical details and did not touch the basic political provisions of the treaty.

Petr STEHLÍK
Makedonsko-albánský spor ohledně založení a činnosti albánské Univerzity v Tetovu (1994–2004) [Macedonian-Albanian Controversy Concerning the Foundation and Activities of the University in Tetovo (1994–2004)]..  /389–410/ The issue of delimitation of the state-financed education of Albanians in their mother tongue was an important source of tension between the majority Macedonian population and Albanian minority in the Republic of Macedonia in the analysed period (1994–2004). It was closely related to the foundation of an illegal University in Tetovo (1994), where instruction was carried out in Albanian. This act and the subsequent heated debate over the status of the university epitomized a wider socio-political conflict between the two main ethnic communities in Macedonia. The author of the contribution aspires to closely reconstruct all the major phases of the whole case, sums up reasons for the establishment of the university and assesses the influence of the controversy on the political situation and ethnic coexistence in Macedonia. Firstly he focuses on the system of education of Macedonian Albanians in SFRJ (Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia), characterizes the significance of the University in Priština for this community and analyses the situation in the field after the breakup of Yugoslavia and the closure of Priština Universtity. Then he discusses the birth of the initiative for the establisment of Tetovo University and the realization of this plan at the end of 1994 and in the first months of the following year. The author confronts the viewpoints of the proponents of the university with those of their adversaries, comments on political aspects of the case and traces the reactions of the Macedonian government, president and other politicians to the analysed events. He comes to the conclusion that the Macedonian government avoided any engagement in the matter until it was certain that the University in Tetovo would be formed. The founding of the institution was followed by a reckless government’s reaction, which resulted in a bloodshed on the occasion of the start of the university’s educational activities in February 1995. This event had an unfortunate influence on the perception of Macedonia abroad and caused a major indignation of the Albanian community. Therefore the Macedonian government avoided the use of force in the following years and tolerated the instruction carried out at the university. Simultaneously it strived to solve the issue of the university education of Albanians by extending opportunities for the utilization of minority languages at the Pedagogical Faculty in Skopje and by assigning preferential quotas for admitting minority students to Skopje and Bitola universities. However, the government’s efforts encountered a substantial resistance on the part of the Macedonian public and representatives of the Albanian community considered the efforts insufficient. In the subsequent part of the contribution the author presents various proposals of Macedonian and foreign representatives aimed at solving the issue, as well as describes how the instruction was carried out at Tetovo University and how it was financed. He also traces a series of changes of the Law on Higher Education, which eventually led to the establishment of a private Southeast European University (SEEU) in Tetovo and the eventual legalization of Tetovo University itself. The author emphasizes that the first considerable change of attitude towards Tetovo University among individual Macedonian politicians occured after the formation of a right-wing Macedonian government headed by VMRO-DPMNE (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity) in 1998. Two years later the government coalition passed a new Law on Higher Education, which enabled a retroactive recognition of diplomas of Tetovo University graduates and paved the way for the establishment of the SEEU (2001), where a considerable part of instruction was practised in Albanian. Nevertheless, the majority of the Albanian population in Macedonia did not consider the foundation of the private university in Tetovo an adequate solution to the problem and demanded the implicit legalization of the University in Tetovo. This stance was adopted by a new powerful subject on the Albanian political scene in Macedonia – BDI (Democratic Union for Integration), which in 2002 entered a newly-formed government coalition headed by SDSM (Social Democratic Union of Macedonia). In the following year the government of Branko Crvenkovski concluded that the legalization of Tetovo University poses less of a threat to the stability of Macedonia than its continuing neglect. In spite of the disfavour of a large part of the Macedonian public and oppositional parties headed by VMRO-DPMNE, the government passed a law at the beginning of 2004, which opened the way for Tetovo University to become the third state university in Macedonia. The contention of Macedonian and Albanian political representatives in Macedonia over the foundation, activities and legal status of the University in Tetovo was a source of numerous governmental crises, parliamentary disputes and cases of civic unrest. To a certain degree, it also infringed on the field of foreign politics and influenced the perception of Macedonia abroad. It is evident from the start that the case was considerably politicized. Therefore it contributed to the bloom of various radical sentiments and ethnic prejudices, as well as to the mutual estrangement of Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia.

Ivan PFAFF
Střední Evropa – ztracený sen nebo příští realita? Pokus o výměr českého pohledu [Central Europe – the Lost Dream or the Future Reality? The Attempted Definition of the Czech Point of View]..  /411–431/ The paper analyses some subtle aspects of the Central European identity. The author also focus on the specific contribution of Central Europe to political and cultural development of Europe mainly in the 19–20th centuries.


RECENZE, POZNÁMKY, ZPRÁVY

Krste CRVENKOVSKI – Mirče TOMOVSKI
Zarobena vistina.. (Jan Pelikán)  /433–437/

Sabine DULLINOVÁ
Stalinovi diplomaté v Evropě 1930–1939.. (Jan Petružálek)  /438–439/

Pavel CHLEBNIKOV
Krestnyj otěc Kremlja Boris Berezovskij ili istorija razbrabljenija Rossii.. (Michal Beník)  /439–441/

Jože PIRJEVEC
Jugoslovanske vojne 1991–2001.. (Tomáš Chrobák)  /441–442/
Kulturní, duchovní a etnické kořeny Ruska. Tradice a alternativy.. (Jitka Komendová)  /442–443/

I. RYČLOVÁ
Ruské dilema. Společenské zlo v kontextu osudů tvůrčích osobností Ruska.. (Josef Šaur)  /443–444/


LIDÉ A DOBA

Ondřej DANIEL
Válka v karikatuře a kresleném vtipu, Chorvatsko ´92 [War in Caricature and Cartoons, Croatia ´92]..  /449–46/3