Sociologický ústav AV ČR, v.v.i.

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2009:7 Work and Family Trajectories of Young People: A Holistic Perspective

Jana Chaloupková

This study is devoted to an analysis of the work and family trajectories of young people between the ages of 18 and 35 in the Czech Republic. The study applies the life-course perspective and introduces newly developing methods that study trajectories in a holistic way. It uses sequence analysis methods, which provide a complex description of the course of a life trajectory and reveal the patterns of similar trajectories. Sequence analysis also provides tools with which to investigate the diversity of life trajectories and their development over time. This study uses data from the ISSP 2002 Family and Gender Role, which in the Czech Republic included a module on work and family history. The optimal matching method is used to identify types of early work and family trajectories of people born between 1919 and 1967. The analyses show that even among older age cohorts it is possible to find a plurality of family and career starts. Work trajectories vary by the age at which a person starts work, the duration of study, and, in the case of women, by the length and the number of the family care breaks. The longer period of time spent studying in the youngest cohort paradoxically signifies reduced variability of situations at the start of the work trajectory, but later the overall variability of work trajectories increases.

Keywords

sequence analysis, work trajectories, family trajectories, life course, transition to adulthood

Summary

This study draws upon the holistic approach in the study of the life course. It had two objectives: first, to introduce the dynamic perspective in the study of work and family by using a set of newly developing methods that study in trajectories in a holistic way (as a sequence of states); second, to analyse the work and family trajectories of people between the ages of 18 and 35 in the Czech Republic. The analytical part of the study focused on three basic questions: Is it possible to observe a variety of types of early work and family trajectories? Second, if it is, is there any cohort differences Is there greater differentiation in the early life courses of younger age cohorts?

The analyses were based on data from the ISSP 2002 ‘Family and Gender Roles’ survey, which in the Czech Republic included a module of questions on the respondent’s partner, family, and work history. The data used encompass the early work and family careers of people born up until 1967. These data make it possible to compare work and family trajectories occurred partly before 1989 with trajectories of the youngest cohorts occurring in the new social, political, and economic conditions after 1989.

The first two chapters in the study contain summaries of the theoretical bases of the life-course concept and a more detailed introduction to the methods of sequence analysis and especially optimal matching, which was used to identify patterns of early work and family trajectories. Applying a holistic approach to studying life courses, the specific life event can be set in the context of preceding and subsequent life events. Using sequence analysis it is possible to explore and systematically define life-course data and identify patterns of similar trajectories. At the same time, it also makes it possible to empirically examine hypotheses about the de-standardisation and differentiation of life courses.

Chapters five and six form the core part of this study. They present a separate analysis of early family and work trajectories and then focus on a mulltichanell analysis of work and trajectories between the ages of 18 and 35. The analysis of family trajectories observed the timing and the sequencing of three transitions in the early phases of the family trajectory: starting to live with a partner, entering into marriage, and the birth of a child and other changes to partnership and family life that an individual went through up until the age of 35. The findings indicate that even before 1989 the starting phases of the family trajectory were relatively diverse. The most common family trajectory, experienced by roughly two-thirds of respondents, was the classic family trajectory, starting with entry into marriage and parenthood. Alongside the classic family trajectories, in the older cohorts it was also possible to identify family trajectories of childless couples, singles’ trajectories, and lone-parent trajectories. The singles’ trajectory and the classic family trajectory with later marriage and parenthood were more often experienced by people with higher education.

Work trajectory observed changes in employment status and report changes in five reversible states: employment, unemployment, family care, study and other. As in the case of family trajectories, a significant differentiating factor in work trajectories is highest completed education. The early work trajectories of men and women vary in course by the timing of the start of employment. Women’s work trajectories are influenced by maternity and reflect changes in the conditions of maternity and parental leave that have been introduced over time since the 1970s. However, the analyses did not identify a ‘women in the household’ type of trajectory connected solely with caring for the family, and they did not confirm the proposition that women who have been through different types of work trajectories have different attitudes towards employment. However, women who remained longest at home caring for children agreed more strongly with the notion that men should be the family breadwinner and women should take care of the household.

The work trajectories of women are more heterogeneous than those of men. An exception to this used to occur at the start of the work trajectory, when the stages of studying, participation in economic activity, and basic military service occurred simultaneously, making the situation of men more diverse. An joint analysis of work and family trajectories revealed a type of early work trajectory oriented solely towards work – the continuous work trajectory of singles. Around 14% of men and women comprise a group of people who are stably employed, not living with a partner, and postponing parenthood. Another specific trajectory connected with the postponement of parenthood is the trajectory with a prolonged period of study, experienced by 3% of women and 5% of men. The majority of women (and men) fell into the group who combine work with caring for children. Owing to the longer period spent studying, we find in the youngest cohort paradoxically less variability in the situations at the start of the work trajectory, but later the overall variability of work trajectories of young adults increases. We can expect that in the youngest cohorts born in 1970s and later the classic family trajectory with early entry into parenthood will decrease and the share of young people who postpone parenthood and/or do not live with a partner will increase. We can also assume that new types of family trajectories will develop, which will include parenthood without entry into marriage, and that the share of unstable work trajectories, including periods of unemployment will spread.