No. II.-III.

The author examines the occupation of the Embassy of the German Federal Republic by asylum seekers from the German Democratic Republic in the autumn of 1989. He pays special attention to the first phase, namely the closing of the Czechoslovak-GDR borders on 3 October 1989. The author completes this relatively well-known story with information drawn from previously unpublished Czechoslovak sources (particularly records from the Czechoslovak Foreign Ministry) and concludes that the Czechoslovak Communist leadership shared considerably in the genesis of the key decision to solve the crisis by sending the asylum seekers from Prague to West Germany on a special train through East Germany.

Official Soviet Press Coverage of Events in Czechoslovakia in November and December 1989

Zdeněk Sládek

The Soviet press began late with its reports on events in Czechoslovak following 17 November 1989. At first description predominated but gradually criticism of the current leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CPCz) also began to appear in its reports. The demonstrations, it wrote, expressed the Czechoslovak public’s dissatisfaction with the slow pace of perestroika in Czechoslovakia. In the next stage, reporting emphasized the need for dialogue between the Government and the unofficial opposition. This, however, clearly corresponded to ideas in Moscow about how to solve the crisis without the use of force, and fed on the hope of a revitalization of the CPCz.

At the beginning of the November events the Soviet press criticized the opposition, particularly the Civic Forum, for increasing tensions and for an unwillingness to compromise. In late December, however, its position began to change into factual information about the Civic Forum and the people involved in that movement. It presented the new Czechoslovak President as a politician who was not biased against socialism or against relations with the Soviet Union.

The Munich Syndrome: Franco-Czechoslovak Relations, 1944-8

Antoine Mares

From 1944 to 1948, Franco-Czechoslovak relations were marked mainly by developments in Soviet-American relations. This was reflected in the talks leading up to the Franco-Czechoslovak Treaty. In these four years France and Czechoslovakia clearly tried to save everything they could of the Grand Alliance because it also meant a part of their own independence. France, though weakened, remained a Great Power, and could preserve sufficient space for independent decision-making. This was all the more so, as American influence had been weakened by the principles governing the USA and by the fear that France would join the East bloc. Czechoslovakia, on the other hand, was of such economic and strategic importance for the Soviet Union that the Soviets, as part of the East-West confrontation, could not allow it to slip away. Czechoslovakia’s room for manoeuvre was thus greatly limited from the very beginning. It was a neutrality that was utterly loyal to Moscow.

Patočka’s Conception of ‘Czechness’

Vlastimil Hála

The author tries to demonstrate the internal link between Patočka’s concrete historical-philosophical reflections and more general philosophical starting points of his work. The emphasis of the nihilistic nature of the 19th century and the loss of universalism thus turn out to be essential also for Patočka’s conception of ‘Czechness’, whether it is a matter of the linguistically conceived patriotism of Jungmann or, later, the establishment of Czech statehood. The author also observes Patočka’s intellectual impulsiveness, which gave some of his views a one-sidedness and the appearance of discontinuous development (particularly in his judgement of Edvard Beneš). In greater detail the author treats of the relationship between ‘large’ and ‘small’ Czechness in Patočka’s conception and the ‘dilemma’ of the Czech National Programme during the Revival of the 19th century, as well as the use of this theme in the historical-philosophical reflections of the author ‘Podiven’, particularly in the work of Petr Pithart. The inspirational nature of Patočka’s intellectual legacy is demonstrated by the author with references to the critical reactions that various aspects of Patočka’s work evoked (for instance from Václav Černý, Ladislav Hejdánek, and J. Hanzal).

A Chronology of the Polish Road to Democracy, 1986-9

Antoni Dudek

This chronology was originally prepared for the international conference ‘Poland 1986-1989: The End of the System’, which was held in Warsaw, 21-23 October 1999. Soudobé dějiny thanks the Institute of Political Studies at the Polish Academy of Sciences (one of the conference organizers), Warsaw, for generously providing the Polish original for translation into Czech even before it was published in Poland.

A Chronology of the Political Transition in Hungary, 1987-90

Tibor Beck

This chronology was originally prepared in the Institute of the 1956 Revolution, Budapest, for the international conference Political Transition in Hungary, 1989-1990, which was held in Budapest, June 1999. It was published in English in the eponymous conference briefing book. The Czech version has been translated from the Hungarian original.

The Watershed:
A Civic Forum in the Garage of Czechoslovak Television, 21 November 1989 to 11 January 1990

Jarmila Cysařová

The author, on the basis of contemporaneous records depicts the situation within Czechoslovak Television (ČST) at a time of crisis, when the employees there (broadcast technicians) came out with the demand that the public should be provided with honest information. Despite the management’s resistance on 24 November 1989 to broadcast footage of the events that had begun on Národní třída, Prague, 17 November 1989, thanks to an initiative by ČST employees other transmissions were made with footage from the demonstrations. The management’s opinion on the position of ČST, according to which the television station should be a state organ, differed from that of the Civic Forum cell at ČST, which pushed for its being a publicly owned institution.

Pressure from the New Trade-Union Organization and from the Civic Forum of Czechoslovak Television did not let up till a new director (Jindřich Fairaizl) was installed on 11 January 1990.

Negative International Factors Influencing the Democratic Revolution, 1989-90

Karel Durman

Regardless of the lack of preparation involved, it was the activity of the dissidents and the broader public, rather than overall favourable international circumstances (brought about by perestroika, glasnost, and the sympathy of the West), which constituted the decisive factors for the success of the democratic revolution in Czechoslovakia (as well as in Poland, Hungary, and East Germany). In contrast to the usual clichés, the author considers the basic attitudes of the ‘Gorbachevians’ and of the Bush administration as factors that tended in the important years to play a negative role, and had consequences that were felt in the coming, post-Communist decade.

The policies of the ‘Gorbachevians’ were increasingly dictated by the intensifying upheaval in the Soviet Union and the attempt to obtain Western support (both financial and political) for Gorbachev and for his course. The passivity that was characteristic of the attitude of Moscow in the countries of the outer empire (namely, the policy of ‘non-interference’) was from its beginnings, in 1985, motivated by an attempt to ‘ensure continuity’ and later also by the fear of spreading the ideas of perestroika and glasnost. One of the results in practice was that the régime installed in Czechoslovakia after August 1968 remained ‘on ice’, the country did not experience any of the reform initiatives experienced in Poland and Hungary, and therefore with the 1989 revolution began ‘from scratch’.

Apart from the general rhetoric, the policies of the West, in particular the Bush administration, were not of help to the democratic revolutions. Washington for all intents and purposes followed its traditional line, highly interested in relations (confrontation or cooperation) with the other superpower, but considered the geopolitical area of the European outer empire to lie outside the sphere of immediate American interests.

Because US policy towards Eastern Europe lacked a clear conception, the dissidents and also the democratic public ‘learned’ from more or less sympathetic but often one-sided non-governmental advisers. Consequently, in the conception of the revolution and the transition period the orientation of technocratic activists, generally approved by Washington, was successfully pushed for; on the other hand, the view that the countries of Eastern Europe ought to set out to restore law, confidence, and ‘social capital’, the predominant view ten years later, was drowned out by louder voices. The consequences of this are most tragically evident in Russia, but the Czech Republic, too, is now feeling them.

The Role of Poland in Bringing Down Communism in Europe

Bronisław Geremek

This article is based on a paper given by the author at the conference 1989: Die demokratische Revolution in Europe, which was organized by the Hannah-Arendt-Institut für Totalitarismusforschung, and held in Dresden on 4 July 1999.

The transformation that took place in 1989, was, the author believes, being heard in various spheres as early as the beginning of the decade. Among the early indications of revolution were the growing troubles of the Soviet economy, the absence of the East bloc in the information revolution, the erosion of the ideological foundations of the Communist system, and the crisis of central power in the Soviet Union after the introduction of Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika. Polish Solidarity, as a symbol of the awakening of the enslaved nations and of organized resistance to the totalitarian régime, was the second indication; the third was the economic success of the West in connection with its political integration. The author sees the events of 1989 as forming a whole, which comprises three process: the collapse of Communism, the reunification of Germany, and the uniting of Europe.

The changes that took place in central and western Europe are not the legacy of the Cold War but the result of the inability to keep the populations of both blocs isolated from one another. The economic crisis was of fundamental importance for the sudden disintegration of the Communist bloc. The Communist system’s previous attempts to deal with similar crises (in which, apart from material demands political and nationalist demands were formulated) had been solved by replacing leading functionaries and introducing liberalization measures. Only the Polish crisis of 1980, however, brought a truly mass movement, namely, Solidarity. When faced with an awakened population and civil society, the Communist authorities were helpless. In order for this social potential to yield political success, a basic prerequisite had to be met, namely the powerlessness of the powerful. The break-up of the Soviet empire meant that the ruling Communist parties lost the ground under their feet.

The Round Table talks in Poland took place between the Communist party and Solidarity, where both sides agreed that political and economic changes must take place gradually. This philosophy then enabled the peaceful transition from Communism to democracy in Hungary and Czechoslovakia.

Poland also had to react to the new political situation in Europe. The creation of German-Polish relations therefore became part of the modernization of the state and the yardstick of conforming to European laws and institutions. The Polish model of overcoming Communism consists of three elements: a social contract leading to a democratic state, modernization of the economy together with good relations with neighbouring countries, and inclusion in the integration process and structures of international cooperation. According to the author, however, the human dimension should not be overlooked.

The Collapse of the Soviet Economy, 1985-9, as Seen from Within

Zdeněk Sládek

Michael Ellman and Vladimir Kontorovich, the editors of The Destruction of the Soviet Economic System: An Insiders’ History (New York, 1998), assembled first-hand evidence provided by 26 respondents on Gorbachev’s reforms, many of whom were directly involved in events at the centre of power. This enabled them to compare original intentions with the results (some of which were often undesired) of their policies. The methodology is explained in an introduction and the editors summarize, in a separate study, the respondents’ contributions to our knowledge of the individual phases of perestroika. The respondents generally agree that an institutional vacuum was created when the Party gave up control of the economy, and the whole economy then fell into disorganization.

Unsuitable Victims, an Unjust Story

Vlastimil Hála

The reviewer points out that the greater part of Noam Chomsky’s Prospects on Power (translated, by M. Calda, as Perspektivy moci: Úvahy o povaze člověka a společenského řádu, Prague, 1998), is devoted to current political issues in places such as East Timor and the Middle East as well as critical analysis of more general political problems such as the responsibility of the intellectual and the meaning of liberalism. The author pays special attention to the critique of the role of the mass media and great-power interests, especially those of the USA. Chomsky, who declares himself a supporter of traditional anarcho-syndicalism, is often one-sided in his criticism. Yet, admits the reviewer, he does point out problems, particularly in our intellectual circles, in an unusual and provocative way.

Personal Remarks on a Book about an Unknown Aspect of the Resistance

Milena Šimsová

Considering Heda Kaufmannová’s Léta 1938-1945: Válečné vzpomínky [Wartime memoirs, 1938-45] (Prague, 1999), the reviewer praises the editor Antonín Slavík for his care in preparing this volume by a Jewish Czechoslovak member of the resistance during World War II. The review includes quotations from personal correspondence between the reviewer and Kaufmannová, and concludes with a reference to the importance of the introductory chapter on death. She demonstrates that this volume constitutes more than mere memoirs, and is a powerful attempt to describe the experience of war, clarify facts, and establish the truth. It is a document about the meaning of the resistance and its moral importance, and an appeal to today’s historians not to form a picture of the resistance only by assembling facts. The memoirs, concludes the reviewer, are a declaration of faith in the meaning of sacrifice.

Archieving the Candidacy of Václav Havel for the Office of President, December 1989:
Three Documents and Two Testimonies

Jiří Suk

The election of the Czechoslovak President on 29 December 1989 raised a cardinal question which anybody who has thought about this landmark election has undoubtedly asked – namely, how was it possible that the Federal Assembly of the CSSR, comprised predominantly of deputies representing the old régime, unanimously elected to the presidency the veteran dissident and foremost representative of the anti-totalitarian resistance, Václav Havel? The set of three documents and three later testimonies published here are intended to help to clarify some of the important events that preceded that presidential election. The key document is a transcription of a tape-recording made at a meeting of a group from the Coordinating Centre of the Civic Forum on 15 December 1989, to whom Václav Havel reported on his talks with the Premier of Czechoslovakia, Marián Čalfa; it was during these talks, that the final steps for achieving Havel’s election to the presidency by the end of 1989 were negotiated. The next document is a television address by Václav Havel, who was now the presidential candidate of the Civic Forum and the Public Against Violence; broadcast on 16 December 1989, it was also included in the Government’s programme statement of 19 December 1989. The evolution and importance of the Čalfa-Havel agreement was then commented on five years later by Marián Čalfa and two former representatives of the Civic Forum Coordinating Centre, Petr Pithart and Vladimír Hanzel, who had immediately been informed of the contents of the agreement.

Contributors
Jarmila Cysařová, an actress by training, was a journalist and television reporter. In the 1970s and 1980s she worked as a manual labourer. Recently she has been concerned with the history of Czechoslovak television and FITES.

Bronisław Geremek is the Foreign Minister of Poland. He read medieval history at Warsaw. In the 1960s he was Director of the Polish Centre, Paris, and in the 1970s and 1980s was active in Solidarity.

Vlastimil Hála is a scholar at the Philosophy Institute of the Czech Academy of Sciences. His professional interests include ethics in the history of philosophy. He is the author of "Impulsy Kantovy etiky" and a number of articles on the history of philosophy and contemporary philosophy (including on Bolzano, Brentano, Hösle and Habermas).

Antoine Mares is Director of the Centre d’Etude de l’Europe médiane and also of the CEFRES, Prague. He lectures in central European, Czech, and Slovak history in the Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, and at other French universities. He has edited a number of volumes and is the author of Histoire des pays tcheques et slovaques.

Zdeněk Sládek was at the Institute for the History of Eastern Europe (the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences) till 1968. He again found employment as an historian only after 1989. He is the author of "Hospodářské vztahy ČSR a SSSR 1918-1938" (1971), and co-author of "Dějiny Ruska" (1995).

Jiří Suk read history and archival sciences at Prague, and now heads the documents department of the Institute of Contemporary History, Prague. He has compiled and edited "Občanské fórum, listopad-prosinec 1989" (2 vols, 1997 and 1998) and written a number of articles on the formation and development of the Civic Forum.

Milena Šimsová is a graduate of Brno University. The area of her professional interest is the role of Christians in the anti-Nazi resistance. She has also worked on the archives of Přemysl Pitter and Olga Fierzová, and helped to prepare the publication of prison lectures by Božena Komárková.

Oldřich Tůma is director of the Institute of Contemporary History. Trained in Byzantine history, he has for the past ten years been professionally concerned with contemporary Czech history, particularly the period 1969-89.

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No. II.-III.

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